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Malami Faces Probe Over Five Suspicious Mega Deals Under His Watch

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Abubakar Malami, former attorney-general of the federation (AGF), will be questioned over at least five suspicious transactions during his time in office, TheCable understands.

Five of the transactions under investigation are:

  • The mysterious payment of $496 million to Global Steel Holdings Ltd (GSHL) as settlement for the termination of the Ajaokuta Steel concession nine years after the Indian company had waved all claims for compensation.
  • His handling of the sale of assets worth billions of naira forfeited to the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) by politically exposed persons.
  • His role in the $419 million judgment debt awarded to consultants who claimed to have facilitated the Paris Club refunds to the states.
  • The strange agreement to pay Sunrise Power $200 million compensation in its dispute with the federal government over the Mambilla power project.
  • The duplicated legal fees in the transfer of $321 million Abacha loot from Switzerland to Nigeria.

It was gathered that his name has cropped up in a number of questionable deals under the last administration.

A security agency will handle his interrogation, sources said.

AJAOKUTA DEAL: THE SETTLEMENT AFTER ‘SETTLEMENT’

In September 2022, Malami announced that the federal government had finally resolved the “long-standing contractual dispute” with Global Steel over the Ajaokuta Steel Company Limited (ASCL) and the National Iron Ore Mining Company (NIOMCO), Itakpe, concessions. He said instead of paying the original claim of $5.258 billion by GSHL over the termination of the concessions by the Olusegun Obasanjo administration, Nigeria had secured a 91 percent reduction and would pay $496 million only.

In 2013, Smart Adeyemi, then senator from Kogi state, had said the Goodluck Jonathan administration, which was in power at the time, had recovered the Ajaokuta mill “without any attendant financial obligation whatsoever”.

Malami’s settlement also came five years after Kayode Fayemi, then minister of mines and steel development, announced that Nigeria had resolved all the issues around Ajaokuta and recovered ownership.

Global Steel had entered the Nigerian steel industry in 2004 after securing five major concessions and entering share purchase agreements by the Obasanjo administration. Things went sour when the new administration of the late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua came to power.

The government, in June 2008, revoked Global Steel’s 10-year Ajaokuta concession on the ground that the company was involved in asset stripping. It also terminated Global Steel’s concession for NIOMCO. This prompted Global Steel to opt for arbitration against Nigeria.

In 2010, a committee headed by Abdullahi Yola, then solicitor-general of the federation, recommended that the Jonathan administration should pay a compensation of $525 million to Global Steel for the revocations. Jonathan opted for mediation, with the Indian-owned company agreeing to mediation reportedly after its “underbelly” was exposed.

It was alleged that Global Steel had violated the terms of the concessions by not bringing in any foreign investment but rather leveraging on the assets of the companies to raise loans from Nigerian banks. It was also alleged that Global Steel had engaged in asset stripping — that is, selling the assets without regard for the company’s fortune. The company was accused of tax evasion and its promoters were to be prosecuted in a Nigerian court.

Faced with possible criminal charges, the promoters gave up their claims to Ajaokuta without any payment by the Nigerian government. In return, Itakpe was to be restored to them because the process of termination was considered faulty, unlike in the Ajaokuta case.

In 2016, the Buhari administration approved the execution of the modified concession agreement with Global Steel which allowed the firm to retain Itakpe. In September 2017, Fayemi announced that all agreements had been signed and Nigeria had now retrieved full ownership of the mills . Yemi Osinbajo, who was then vice-president, executed the agreement on behalf of Nigeria.

“With this development, both NIOMCO and Ajaokuta Steel Company Limited have now reverted to the Federal Government Nigeria, and we can now proceed to engage a new core investor with the financial and technical capacity to run the steel complex,” Fayemi said.

In May 2020, Global Steel curiously threatened to return to arbitration at the ICC sitting in Paris, France, in respect of all the contracts cancelled by the Yar’Adua administration. This was kept out of public knowledge by both the federal government and the company, with some insiders suggesting that the new threat was made in connivance with some senior government officials. The company’s lawyers threatened to claim up to $14 billion in damages but later reduced it to $5.258 billion.

On September 3, 2022, Nigeria announced that it had reached a settlement of $496 million with Global Steel, that it had rescued the Nigerian steel, iron ore and rail industries “from a variety of interminable and complex disputes”. Meanwhile, the legacy allegations of asset stripping, tax evasion and violation of the terms of agreement remain unresolved.

SELLING RECOVERED ASSETS IN THE DARK

In August 2022, Ladidi Mohammed, head of asset recovery and management unit, ministry of justice, was grilled by the EFCC over allegations of fraud but no charges were brought against her.

Mohammed, who is very close to Malami, was grilled over allegations of fraudulent sale of recovered assets worth billions. She was granted administrative bail with strident conditions which she could not meet immediately, and was later invited for further questioning.

She reportedly told EFCC that she acted under Malami’s instructions in disposing of some assets which were forfeited to the federal government by persons undergoing corruption trials. She was unable to produce any documented evidence to back her claims but said instructions were given to her verbally.

Malami had reportedly secretly granted a company and its attorneys a multibillion-naira assets recovery contract. The AGF gave the firm, Gerry Ikputu & Partners, an estate valuer, the task of recovering significant tracts of lands and structures believed to belong to the federal government in 10 states and the federal capital territory (FCT), Abuja. The firm also hired a legal firm, M. E. Sheriff & Co, to act as its agent.

With a confidentiality agreement prohibiting them from disclosing the specifics of the job, Malami’s letter granting them the contract said that they would be entitled to three percent of the value of each successful recovery. The award letter’s “confidentiality” clause forbids contractors from making public “any issue from this engagement without prior consent of the attorney-general of the federation and minister of justice”.

The letter dated October 5, 2021 gave the contractors six months period to lapse in April 2022. In the contract with M.E Sherrif & Co, Malami said the law firm had the duty of handing over the recovered assets to the AGF “for further necessary action and directives”.

He also asked the law firm “to work as a project team in collaboration with the Asset Recovery and Management Unit (ARMU) under the Office of the honourable attorney-general of the federation and minister of justice in carrying out this instruction”.

As many as 74 properties listed in the letter are located in high brow areas in Lagos, Rivers, Akwa Ibom, Cross River, Abia, Anambra, Edo, Enugu, Imo and Delta states and the FCT.

The AGF and the justice ministry came under the spotlight for their role in the recovery and sale of assets which was supposed to be the duty of the EFCC. Itse Sagay, then chairman of the presidential advisory committee against corruption (PACAC), had said there was no justification for engaging private firms to execute the recovery the anti-graft agencies were competent to do.

“The EFCC and the ICPC are authorised to recover stolen public assets. So, there is absolutely no justification for hiring a third party to do what government agencies have powers and experience to do,” he said. “So, it is strange for an outside agency, who does not have that record, and will have to be paid to recover the property. That shouldn’t be; it’s wrong. That doesn’t make sense.”

PARIS CLUB: CLUBBING WITH ‘CONSULTANTS’

In one of the most controversial cases under Malami’s tenure, some consultants, who claimed to have helped the states calculate their share of the Paris Club refunds, sued the federal government to court demanding to be paid their fees.

Malami, in what the governors described as a case of collusion but which he denies, opted for an out-of-court settlement. He agreed that the states — which were still vigorously disputing the claims — would pay $418 million to the consultants and the monies would be deducted from their federation allocations over time.

Ned Nwoko, the senator representing Delta north, was to get $68,658,192.83, while Ted Isighohi Edwards would receive $159,000,000. Others are: Riok Nig. Limited, $142,028,941.95; Orji Orizu, $1,219,440.45; Olaitan Bello, $215,195.36; and Panic Alert Security Systems Limited, $47.821,920.

This generated a public spat between Malami and the governors. While President Muhammadu Buhari initially withheld consent, he eventually approved and the consultants were given promissory notes. A federal high court sitting in Abuja has now restrained the consultants from transacting with the promissory notes.

In August 2022, the Nigeria Governors’ Forum (NGF) said the consultants were using Malami “to hustle” the states’ funds. Malami said that the NGF had no basis to reject the proposed deduction of $418 million, adding that the consultants’ claims were justified.

Abdulrazaque Bello-Barkindo, the forum’s head of media and public affairs, said there was no collective agreement between the consultants and the NGF, adding that the forum has requested the consultants to provide evidence of work done.

“There is no component that compels the governors’ forum to pay consultants anything, and there is no agreement between the consultants collectively and governors collectively,” he said. “The Paris fund money has been exhausted, and the consultants and the attorney general are expecting the money to be deducted from states’ accounts from sources over 52 or 58 months. That is unheard of. And what the NGF is saying is that there is no money to be paid and the monies that have been paid are gross errors.

“Where they are asking the monies to be gotten from is the biggest sacrilege. This money belongs to the states, the masses of this country and because you’re powerful, you want money to be taken and given to you. That’s why they are using the attorney general of the federation to get the money at the source because the state does not have any reason [to pay]. What the attorney general is claiming that there is a consent judgement is what the NGF is saying did not exist.

“What the NGF is saying is tasking is evidence of work done. Some of them said they have constructed primary health cares across the country, and other said they have provided boreholes, these are physical things that you can show. This matter is in court. The court is the only authority that can determine clearly whether there is a reason for payment or not, why are highly placed lawyers afraid of their own platform?”

In 2021, the governors obtained an order from a federal high court in Abuja restraining the federal government from deducting the money from states’ accounts for the purpose of paying the disputed debt.

Malami inexplicably committed Nigeria to pay Sunrise Power $200 million compensation over the Mambilla project without getting clearance from Buhari

MAMBILLA POWER: THE SUN SHINES ON SUNRISE

Early 2020, Malami committed the federal government to paying Sunrise Power and Transmission Company Limited (SPTCL) $200 million to as “final settlement” of the dispute over the Mambilla power project in Taraba state. He also agreed to pay a penalty of 10 per cent in case of a default in fulfilling the settlement agreement — in addition to restoring Sunrise as the local content partner for the  $5.8 billion hydroelectric project.

In documents seen by TheCable, Malami and Mamman signed on behalf of the federal government while Leno Adesanya signed as chairman and CEO of Sunrise.

Sources said that Sunrise Power had previously asked for an $80 million settlement in order to withdraw its arbitration claim against Nigeria in France over an alleged breach of contract.

But Babatunde Fashola, who was minister of power, had contended in 2017 that there was no breach of contract as Sunrise had not done any work to warrant any demand or arbitration. Fashola also questioned the integrity of the contract. However, with Fashola’s exit from the ministry, a deal was put together by Mamman and Malami and facilitated by a female figure in Aso Rock.

The project, the biggest plant in the country, was conceived in the 1970s but has suffered severe delays. The 3,050-megawatt facility will be the second largest hydropower plant in Africa when completed.

In 2017, Sunrise Power, which claimed to have been awarded the build, operate and transfer (BOT) contract in 2003, had dragged the federal government and its Chinese partners before the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC) in Paris, France, over alleged breach of contract.

In a letter dated June 20, 2017 to the then Acting President Yemi Osinbajo requesting his intervention in the matter, Adesanya accused the late Abba Kyari, chief of staff to Buhari, of taking the unilateral decision of directing the ministry of power to sideline the company from the contract “against the advice of Malami”.

In the letter dated July 24, 2017 to Osinbajo, with a copy to the chief of staff, Malami had said SPTCL should be engaged as a local content partner to the project “as a means of accommodating its prior contractual interests on the project”.

He backtracked a few weeks later. In another letter dated August 17, 2017 to the company, Malami said he issued the previous opinion on the project based on the limited materials provided at the time. He added that there was no requisite federal executive council (FEC) approval for the project.

“The logical conclusion in the circumstances should be that there was no valid contract between Federal Government of Nigeria and SPTC in respect of the project or at all,” Malami wrote.

Not long after that, TheCable understands, Malami and Adesanya became very close, and the former AGF changed his legal opinion. In a memo to Buhari dated March 26, 2020, Malami asked him to approve the payment of $200 million to Sunrise Power as “full and final settlement” to discontinue the arbitration in Paris and set the government free from all liabilities in the dispute. However, Buhari, in his reply dated Monday, April 20, said: “FG does not have USD 200 million to pay SPTCL”.

The case is still in arbitration.

ABACHA LOOT: $17 MILLION BONANZA FOR LAWYERS

In 1999, federal government engaged the services of Enrico Monfrini, a Swiss lawyer, to help trace, identify, freeze and recover all looted funds traced to Sani Abacha, Nigeria’s military ruler, from 1993 to 1998. After seven years of work, including investigations and litigation across various countries, Monfrini traced and recovered $321 million from Luxemborg banks.

The funds were domiciled with the government of Switzerland in 2014 pending a final request for transfer from Nigeria. Monfrini and other lawyers involved had also been paid their fees, with the Swiss getting about $12 million.

However, Malami, rather than write directly to the Swiss authorities to seek the transfer of the funds to Nigeria, engaged Oladipo Okpeseyi and Temitope Adebayo, two Nigerian lawyers, to do the job again. Their involvement was basically to write to the Swiss authorities to return the funds to Nigeria as there was no asset tracing and recovery involved again.

They were paid $17 million as “professional fees” for writing the letter — more than the Swiss lawyer who traced and recovered the funds over a period of seven years. Okpeseyi and Adebayo were both members of the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), the party founded by Buhari to contest in  the 2011 presidential election. Malami was the legal adviser to the party.

Okpeseyi’s name featured regularly in legal transactions while Malami was in office.

 

Credit: The Cable

BIG STORY

Nigeria Won’t Bow To US Pressure To Accept Venezuelan Deportees — Foreign Affairs Minister Tuggar

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Nigeria won’t yield to pressure from the Donald Trump administration to accept Venezuelan deportees from the United States, according to Foreign Affairs Minister Yusuf Tuggar.

Speaking on Channels Television’s programme “Politics Today” on Thursday, Tuggar stated that Nigeria faces numerous internal challenges and will not serve as a dumping ground for Venezuelan inmates deported from the US amid Trump’s immigration crackdown.

President Bola Tinubu recently participated in the BRICS Summit held in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, from July 6 to 7, 2025.

At the close of the summit, which gathered the 11-member economic and political bloc with growing Chinese influence, US President Donald Trump announced a plan to impose an additional “10 percent trade tariff” on BRICS nations, including China, India, and Nigeria.

Tuggar noted that the tariff threat might not necessarily be tied to Nigeria’s attendance at the BRICS meeting.

He said, “The issue of tariffs may not necessarily have to do with us participating in the BRICS meeting.

“You have to also bear in mind that the US is mounting considerable pressure on African countries to accept Venezuelans to be deported from the US, some straight out of prisons.

“It would be difficult for countries like Nigeria to accept Venezuelan prisoners into Nigeria. We have enough problems of our own; we cannot accept Venezuelan deportees to Nigeria. We already have 230 million people.”

The minister added that the Tinubu-led government had begun discussions with the US regarding the newly imposed visa restrictions on Nigerian nationals. He also described the recent visa limitations on Nigerians by the United Arab Emirates as unfortunate.

Nigeria accepted an invitation to become a partner country in BRICS+ in January 2025.

BRICS, which stands for Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa, was established in 2006 to unite the world’s largest developing economies in a challenge to the political and economic dominance of Western countries.

BRICS+, the expanded group, now includes Egypt, Ethiopia, Indonesia, Iran, and the United Arab Emirates.

The bloc represents roughly 37% of global GDP and nearly half of the world’s population, contributing about 40 percent of total global economic output.

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BIG STORY

“Our Stories Deserve The World Stage” — Dapo Opayinka On Nollywood, Diaspora Filmmaking, And Cultural Legacy

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UK-based bilingual Nollywood actor, MC, and filmmaker, Dapo Opayinka, speaks on his journey from theatre to the big screen, building bridges through storytelling, and what’s next for African narratives in global cinema.

Dapo, you’ve had quite a journey from theatre to film, from Nigeria to the UK. Let’s start with how it all began. What drew you into acting?

Dapo: (Smiling) Ah, where do I start? I think storytelling has always lived inside me. I was that kid who would mimic characters from films or make up my own scenes with cousins during family gatherings. But professionally, it really kicked off at the London Drama School. That place sharpened me. The stage gave me discipline, and theatre? It gave me soul.

Your roles span Yoruba tragedies, British-Nigerian productions, and Nollywood cinema. How do you navigate these different worlds?

Dapo: Honestly, I don’t separate them. They’re all part of me. Being bilingual and bicultural isn’t a balancing act; it’s more like a fusion. Whether I’m Mallam Gaskiya in Our Husband Has Gone Mad Again or Gbonka in The Gods Are Not to Blame, I bring a bit of both worlds to every character. That’s the magic.

One of your standout performances was as Etieno, a Kenyan freedom fighter. What did that role mean to you?

Dapo: That one was special. Etieno wasn’t just a character; he was a symbol. Playing him in Darkest Hour to Victory pushed me emotionally. I had to tap into the spirit of resilience, of struggle; and the African story of fighting for dignity. That role reminded me why I act.

You’ve made quite the transition into Nollywood with titles like Basira in London and Sista Sista. What’s that experience been like?

Dapo: Oh, Nollywood! It’s a whirlwind; but in the best way. It’s vibrant, demanding, and beautiful. Basira in London was hilarious to shoot. And Sista Sista… that one connected deeply with diaspora realities. However, the first movie I ever acted in was Captivated by Toyin Moore. Nollywood is evolving, and I’m grateful to be part of the shift that bridges tradition with modern diaspora stories.

Interviewer: And you’re not just acting; you’re producing also?

Dapo: Yep! I’ve produced four indie films; The Actor, The Passport, Amuwa, and Apeje. Each one is a passion project. They’re stories that reflect our struggles, humour, love… all in our voice. I’m now working on The Telepath, and it’s shaping up to be my boldest yet. Let’s just say… I’m going sci-fi with an African twist.

Ireke was privately screened at Cannes recently. Tell us about that.

Dapo: That was surreal. Cannes is every filmmaker’s dream, and to have Ireke: Rise of The Maroons shown there; even privately, was humbling. It’s a love letter to heritage and identity. The film is a historical drama blended with romance, and it tells a powerful and thought-provoking story about ancestral resistance.

Set in the Bight of Benin and Colonial Jamaica in the 17th century, it follows the uprising of African captives who were unjustly enslaved and forced into brutal labour. But they fought back. The film connects West African cultural roots—like Igbo camouflage and Yoruba resilience—with the legacy of the Maroons in Jamaica. Even Queen Nanny’s origins spark that playful Nigeria-Ghana rivalry!

We’re releasing nationwide in the UK and Nigeria on 25th July, and I honestly can’t wait for audiences to experience it. It’s raw, it’s emotional, and despite the tight budget, it’s a cinematic journey that celebrates the resilience of our people and the bond between Africa and the Caribbean. It’s what African cinema should be—global, grounded, and unapologetically ours.

You’ve also built a name as a charismatic MC. How did that side of you emerge?

Dapo: (Laughs) That came naturally. I love people. I love culture. Being an MC at diasporic events allows me to celebrate us—our weddings, festivals, even protests. It’s about connection. Plus, Yoruba proverbs? Always a hit!

What’s your ultimate goal as an actor?

Dapo: I want to tell our authentic story and promote the richness of our culture. I believe our stories; if told well, are universal. My goal is to connect the African experience with real human emotions that cross language, border, and race. Simple.

You once said, “Our stories deserve the world stage.” How close are we to that reality?

Dapo: We’re closer than we think. Platforms are opening up. Audiences are curious. What we need now is to keep telling the truth—our truth—with quality and pride. The world is watching. It’s our time.

Dapo, thank you. It’s been a pleasure.

Dapo: Thank you! And to every young creative out there: keep pushing. Your voice matters.

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BIG STORY

Lagos Steps Up: Wahab’s Cleanup Blitz And Plastic Ban Herald A New Environmental Era — By Babajide Fadoju

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Over the past fortnight, spanning late June through early July 2024, Lagos State has embarked on an aggressive environmental transformation under the directive of Commissioner Tokunbo Wahab. This campaign combines rigorous enforcement, proactive cleanups, and a landmark ban on single-use plastics, signaling a decisive shift in the state’s ecological governance. Wahab’s hands-on leadership, amplified by strategic media engagement, is steadily converting skepticism into tangible progress across Africa’s largest metropolis.

The most consequential development unfolded on July 1st, when Lagos commenced full enforcement of its ban on single-use plastics and styrofoam containers. Now entering its second week, this policy has ignited vigorous debate across social media platforms, news outlets, and community forums. Early critics alleged inadequate stakeholder consultation, but the Ministry of Environment and Water Resources has systematically countered these claims. Through a multifaceted approach involving town hall meetings, digital explainer videos, and daily on-ground visibility, Wahab’s team has demonstrated extensive pre-implementation outreach.

Commissioner Wahab’s digital communication strategy has been particularly instrumental in driving awareness. Across Instagram, X (formerly Twitter), and Facebook, his accounts feature real-time documentation of enforcement squads confiscating prohibited materials, community cleanups unclogging critical drainages, and educational content underscoring the policy’s urgency. Viral reels revealing styrofoam-choked canals in Mushin and Bariga, juxtaposed with infographics on sustainable alternatives like reusable packaging and plantain-leaf wrappers, have translated abstract environmental concerns into visceral public understanding. This consistent visibility, officials argue, has achieved what years of subdued advisories failed to accomplish: fostering collective accountability.

The groundwork for this shift was laid in late June through targeted “Operation Deep Clean” exercises. Commissioner Wahab personally supervised multi-agency raids along environmental blackspots including the Agege Railway Corridor, Oke Koto, Isale Oja, and Agidingbi. These operations resulted in nearly 100 arrests for illegal waste dumping, unauthorized trading on drainage setbacks, and obstruction of rail corridors. Critically, each raid was documented and disseminated online, showcasing both the scale of degradation and the government’s resolve. This fusion of physical enforcement with digital transparency represents a new template for public accountability in Lagos’ governance.

Beyond enforcement, Wahab has prioritized dialogue to sustain policy legitimacy. He has engaged citizens through live interviews on platforms like The KK Show, hosted dedicated sessions with market unions, and maintained responsive communication via social media comment threads. This accessibility has reframed the narrative: environmental compliance is positioned not as punitive imposition but as shared civic responsibility. In Lagos’ hyper-connected digital landscape, where misinformation can undermine policy credibility, this proactive engagement has anchored public discourse in verifiable actions.

The dual strategy of regulation and persuasion is yielding early behavioral shifts. Though challenges persist, particularly in regulating informal vendors and major markets like Balogun and Mile 12, observable changes are emerging. Markets in Ojota, Yaba, and CMS now display signage promoting reusable containers, while food vendors openly encourage customers to bring their own bowls, a cultural shift in Lagos’ convenience-driven street economy. Bulk-buy cooperatives for biodegradable packaging have reportedly formed among trader associations, signaling grassroots adaptation.

The true significance of these weeks extends beyond cleaner streets or reduced single use plastic volumes. It represents a rupture in Lagos’ longstanding cycle of environmental apathy. Previous initiatives often faltered against public cynicism and institutional inertia. Wahab’s approach; blending uncompromising enforcement with relentless public engagement, suggests that visible political will can recalibrate civic attitudes.

The success of Lagos State’s bold ban on single-use plastics (SUPs) hinges critically on effective enforcement. This is where the Lagos Waste Management Authority (LAWMA) steps into the spotlight as the operational linchpin. Charged with translating policy into tangible action, LAWMA’s mandate extends far beyond simple waste collection; it is now the frontline agency actively enforcing the ban across the mega-city.

LAWMA’s enforcement isn’t just about punitive measures; it’s a multi-pronged strategy: Rigorous monitoring and compliance checks target businesses and individuals, ensuring the ban’s regulations are understood and adhered to. Simultaneously, LAWMA is driving a massive public awareness campaign, conducting stakeholder meetings, and deploying multilingual educational materials to foster understanding and voluntary compliance. Crucially, they are integrating the ban into the core of waste management, promoting segregation, boosting recycling infrastructure, and developing systems to handle the transition away from ubiquitous SUPs.

Recognizing the scale of the challenge, LAWMA is also forging key collaborations – partnering with waste collectors, recyclers, and the private sector to build a cohesive ecosystem supporting the plastic-free vision and encouraging broader adoption of sustainable practices.

Nevertheless, substantial hurdles remain. Eight days of plastic enforcement cannot magically rectify decades of unregulated waste; two weeks of cleanups barely address systemic infrastructure gaps. Maintaining momentum requires scaling enforcement to industrial producers of single-use plastics, investing in affordable alternatives for low-income traders, and deploying circular economy solutions for plastic waste collection.

Environmental transformation is inherently protracted and underappreciated work. Yet Lagos’ recent actions under Commissioner Wahab reveal critical ingredients for success: leadership that operates in the public eye, policies grounded in operational realism, and a communication strategy that documents rather than declaims. If sustained, this model may finally turn the tide toward a Lagos where cleaner streets evolve into a healthier, more resilient urban future.

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