There is a growing phalanx of pseudo-intellectuals parading the social media space with faux and fictitious knowledge of the indigenous oil and gas industry, and it is scary because of the grave danger they portend and present for the average Nigerian.

From X (formerly known as Twitter) to Facebook and even the photos and videos-sharing site, Instagram, they abound, in their inglorious number, lending their platforms to deliberately distort facts and spread misinformation especially to favour the narratives propounded by popular Nigerian businessman Aliko Dangote, owner of the Dangote Petroleum Refinery.

Since the refinery began operations earlier in the year, it has been one week, one controversy allegedly orchestrated by Dangote in a brazen attempt to arm-twist the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation Limited, NNPCL, into playing by his rules.

Those conversant with the modus operandi of Dangote and his refinery say the long-drawn warfare with every institution and individual in the oil and gas value chain is nothing but a self-seeking and mindless profit maximisation tactic.

Whilst nobody begrudges Dangote’s drive for profit as a businessman, perhaps he needs to be reminded that the NNPC has a mandate to ensure and provide energy security in a way that is affordable and sustainable for the generality of Nigerians. And, the NNPCL management has declared in very unambiguous terms that it would not pander to the din of the market whether orchestrated by Dangote, his rampaging minions or anyone else.

The truth, however, is that there is an increasing army of vacuous, vicious, and vile individuals strutting the social media space defending and propagating outright and outlandish falsehoods. Of particular concern is one Kelvin Emmanuel who has become the unofficial mouthpiece of the Dangote Refinery. Going from one media house to the other, he pulls figures out of the air and projects obnoxious untruths on hapless Nigerians. With the backing of his paymaster’s billions, it is no surprise that this otherwise irrelevant and fatuous character now commands appearances on major television stations.

But it is on X that he has made lying glibly and gratuitously the Holy Grail. He once premised Dangote’s inability to secure feedstock for his refinery on the government and the NNPCL. While peddling this untruth, he conveniently forgets that the refinery had a seven-year window, during its construction phase, to lock in feedstock supplies that could last a minimum of five years. Dangote did none of that. As it would later unfold, his game plan, which Emmanuel glossed over, was to monopolise equity oil and production quotas to serve his business interests.

Another deliberate misinformation from the Dangote camp was the allegation that International Oil Companies (IOCs) and other industry players were trying to sabotage his interests. Apart from being an investor in the Dangote Refinery, the NNPC still supplies gas to various Dangote companies across Nigeria. How can anyone or any institution jeopardise their investment? What further proof of faith does Dangote and his minions need to know that the NNPC is their cheerleader, and is here to make operating in the industry seamless and a win-win for all?

Echoing Dangote’s baseless stance, Emmanuel also called for the sack of Mr. Farouk Ahmed, Chief Executive Officer of the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA), regulators of Nigeria’s midstream and downstream value chain. By Emmanuel’s warped reckoning, Ahmed had no locus to speak against Dangote or his enterprise because the latter questioned the quality of the product from Dangote Refinery and other local refineries in comparison with imported ones. Of course, Emmanuel’s was a lone voice in the wilderness because those who understand the invaluable role that the NMDPRA plays in the industry did not as much as dignify his tirade with a glance.

In a robust response to Emmanuel’s groundswell of egregious lies, Ibrahim Y. Kabo, a petroleum engineer based in Abuja, described him as “Someone who has not seen the inside of a refinery before Dangote built one, let alone understood the mechanism of the energy industry, …(yet) assuming the role of an authority in oil and gas matters.”

He went further to lampoon Emmanuel for stating that only Dangote Refinery’s products meet specifications while others are all sub-standard. “The obvious question is: whose specifications? For a refinery that has barely made four of seven pre-inauguration certifications, it sounds somehow laughable to suddenly assume the role of regulator in an industry you’ve barely entered,” Kabo said.

In the article, entitled, “The Hand of Aliko, the Voice of Kelvin: Inside Dangote Refinery’s Media Stunt Lab”, Kabo declared that from all Emmanuel’s interviews and pretensions to be an industry expert, one thing is obvious: “He lacks an understanding of both the mandate and the reach of NNPC as a national oil company.”

Kabo adds that, “Downstream is the least of NNPC’s business interests. The mandate, as per PIA (Petroleum Industry Act), is to facilitate both the extraction and commercialization of Nigeria’s oil and gas resources. 20 billion dollars may be a lot, but NNPC and industry regulators routinely handle projects of that magnitude. At best, Dangote and (Emmanuel’s) ranting are an irritation. I believe that’s why NNPC openly declared it was not interested in being Dangote’s off-taker.”

Like the Yoruba saying goes, derision does not stop the sweetness of the honey. The meddlesome minions and messengers of misinformation can continue dancing naked in the marketplace, but what is most important is that the NNPCL has assured that it will not cease doing everything in its capacity “to harness the possibilities of oil and gas, address energy demand and drive the national economy, and become the number one oil producer and supplier in Africa.”

Tayo Williams is a Lagos-based media executive

Ikeagwuonu Ugochinyere, a member of the House of Representatives, says the push for a six-year single term for president and governors will continue despite the bill’s rejection.

The bill, which was slated for a second reading during Thursday’s plenary session, was rejected by lawmakers in the Green Chamber.

Sponsored by Ikeagwuonu from Imo State and 33 other lawmakers, the bill also sought to amend Section 3 of the Constitution to recognize the division of Nigeria into six geopolitical zones.

Briefing journalists on Thursday evening, the lawmaker described the rejection of the bill as a “temporary setback.”

“The struggle to reform our constitutional democracy to be all-inclusive and provide an avenue for justice, equity, and fairness has not been lost,” he said.

The lawmaker added that voting against the bill by the parliament “does not put an end to agitation and hope that we will realise this objective.”

“This is a temporary setback which does not affect the campaign for an inclusive democratic process,” he said.

The Imo lawmaker stated that the sponsors of the bill will review the decision of the House and “find possible ways of reintroducing it after following due legislative procedures.”

“All I can tell Nigerians is that we will continue the advocacy and convince our colleagues to see reason with us. If elections are held in one day, it will reduce cost and rigging,” he said.

“If power rotates, it will help deescalate political tensions, and a six-year single term will go a long way in helping elective leaders focus on delivering their democratic mandate.”

“All hope is not lost, we will continue the advocacy, and we hope that when reintroduced, our colleagues will support it.”

The National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) reports that food scarcity, insecurity, and high prices have led Nigerian households to reduce consumption, with 65 percent unable to afford healthy meals due to financial constraints.

These findings were released in the NBS’s latest General Household Survey Panel (Wave 5) report, conducted in partnership with the World Bank.

The report reveals that 71 percent of households were affected by rising prices of major food items, while food shortages impacted more than a third of households over the past year. These shortages were particularly severe in June, July, and August, worsening the food insecurity crisis.

As a result, 48.8 percent of households reported cutting back on food consumption, according to the NBS data.

“In the past 12 months, more than one-third of households faced food shortages, which occurred more frequently in the months of June, July, and August,” the report states.

“Price increases on major food items were the most prevalent shock reported by households, affecting 71.0 percent of surveyed households.”

“Households’ main reported mechanism for coping with shocks was reducing food consumption (48.8 percent).”

• ‘62.4% Nigerian Households Secured Less Food’

The report also notes a significant increase in the number of households concerned about not having enough food to eat, with the figure rising from 36.9 percent in Wave 4 (conducted in 2019) to 62.4 percent in Wave 5.

According to the NBS, this surge reflects a rise in food insecurity, with more than half of Nigerian families struggling to meet their dietary needs.

“Approximately two out of three households (65.8 percent) reported being unable to eat healthy, nutritious, or preferred foods because of lack of money in the last 30 days. 63.8 percent of households ate only a few kinds of food due to lack of money, 62.4 percent were worried about not having enough food to eat, and 60.5 percent ate less than they thought they should,” the report adds.

“Furthermore, 12.3 percent reported that at least one person in the household went without eating for a whole day, and 20.8 percent of households had to borrow food or rely on help from friends or relatives.”

“In general, households in the southern zones report more incidents related to food security than those in northern zones.”

“For example, in the southern zones, the proportion of households reporting that they had to skip a meal ranged from 50.1 percent in South West to 62.4 percent in South East, while in the northern zones this share varied from 34.0 percent in North Central to 48.3 percent in North East.”

The report further highlights that residents in the south-south zone experienced the highest rates of food insecurity across five out of eight indicators. In contrast, the north-central zone had the lowest rates in six of the eight indicators.