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The Obsessive Quest For Saraki’s Head: FG, APC, And The Old Power Brokers — Victor Ojelabi

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Senator Bukola Abubakar Saraki is a member of the ruling class by birth, having been born into the Senator Olusola Saraki’s political dynasty in Kwara State.

The young Bukola, like most privileged children of the elites, had his path to success well laid out. He had the best education both in Nigeria and the United Kingdom.

He also quickly cut his teeth in leadership at a tender age, jumping on the board of Societe Generale Bank in 1990 at just 28, after a one-year practice as a medical professional in the UK. Bukola had rapid boardroom capacity development and corporate leadership in the space of 10 years with SG (1990-2000).

And at the young age of 38, he entered into public service, becoming the Special Assistant on Budget to President Olusegun Obasanjo in 2000. He held this position for the president’s full first term and was credited for initiating the famous and widely praised Fiscal Responsibility Bill. 

In 2003, Bukola Saraki took his political career home to Kwara State, where he contested and won the seat of Governor with a large margin. Many attributed his victory to the existing political power structure of his father, but Saraki would prove everyone wrong when he went against his father’s dictates and contested against the Saraki’s political lever in 2007. He emerged victorious again, and just then announced his arrival to mainstream politics in one single swipe. 

Bukola Saraki was no longer that protegee and son of Chief Olusola Saraki, who enjoys the mercies and support of his father’s friends -individuals (mostly retired generals and first republic politicians) who maintained a nation-wide grip of power, each running their own political caliphates, states by states, zone by zone.

Bukola became a brewing storm in the teacup because the growth of his influence was sporadic, his political style unusual, views contemporary and revolutionary. Bukola came with the position that threatened control and centralization of power.

There was a worry about his mysterious style, unpredictability, unusual desire and ability to work with people across political divides. He had also proven to be too independent and headstrong, that quickly cemented the perception that the boy was headed for a solo run, a development that started setting out political enemies and stiff opposition for the new Saraki.
Power brokers started noticing how this new kid on the block gets through with all he sets to do politically, without an expected subscription to the loyalty demands, nor referencing of the supremacy of the power court. The Saraki Jnr at this point, had gone rogue.

He would beat off his father’s power play to take one of the three senatorial seats in Kwara, after successfully doing two terms as governor and installing his chosen successor. Even so, just at his second term as a senator of the federal republic, Bukola Saraki played grandiose national politics by winding his way to the seat of the senate president, against the wish of his party and national political bigwigs. Dr. Bukola Saraki’s adversary grew quite rapidly. Even now, drawing battle plots all across the country, particularly with the organized political South West, whose regional agenda (as led by Senator Bola Ahmed Tinubu) took a massive hit with Saraki’s emergence as Senate president.

Into his term as Senate President, Bukola Saraki was famous for his independent opinions and audacious stand against the Federal Government and his party’s leadership. He led the 7th assembly to earn the reputation of total independence, an impressive allusion to the principle of separation of power.

For the first time in Nigeria’s about 2 decades of democracy, there was a Senate that was largely non-partisan. Bukola’s complete grip of the very volatile senate presidency seat shocked many. In previous assemblies, Senate leadership was only as stable as the extent of party loyalty.

Here was a 50-year-old senate president whose leadership was never in contention, had to support across party lines and even enjoyed the activism of some apostle-colleagues, who would go against any view or move to unsettle or question his authority. Without any doubt, Saraki led the most independent and stable Senate in our recent political history.

This also came with its own harvest of political enemies. Young Saraki in his political journey had congregated so much foe-men that it is not illogical to expect the relentless call for his head.

In the space of 12years from when Bukola rooted his political career as Governor of Kwara state, there hasn’t been a year without a big case hanging over his head. From anti-graft bodies to party’s disciplinary committee, the police force, DSS, and recently the Code of Conduct Bureau, Bukola Saraki seems to be under constant investigation, always answering to one summon or the other. 

This dates back to his tenure as Kwara State governor, particularly during his second term. Senator Abubakar Saraki, his wife, family, friends, and associates had government searchlight constantly beamed at them. From 2003 – 2007, Saraki had seven separate investigations done on him by the EFCC, none of which resulted in any conviction. The matters either ended in a judgment in Saraki’s favour or a total case abandonment for lack of merit and traction. 

The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission(EFCC) has had a steady run on Saraki. In more recent times this seems to have garnered more fire. A lot of people keep wondering if the resources available to the EFCC suddenly swells when it bothers on anything Saraki. For an organization that has a hip of inconclusive case files in several courtrooms across the nation, it is bewildering that it seems to open fresh cases against the Senate president every 6-8months.

Questions are being asked if this special attention to details and concerted effort is not worthy for the investigation and conviction of several public office holders the organization has fingered in recent times.

There is also a particular momentum in the unearthing Saraki’s dirts’ effort of the Magu dispensation of the EFCC. It seems rather peculiar to Saraki, that even hitherto closed investigation, some over a decade-old, are getting reactivated. Previous EFCC bosses reached conclusions on some allegations of financial crime against Saraki during his term as Kwara Governor. It is strange that Magu would discredit the positions of his predecessors by launching new inquiries into activities as far back as 16 years. Kudos to that level of commitment from an EFCC boss who took 17 months to charge former SGF, despite the substantial report of the Presidential Investigation Panel (led by Vice President Osinbajo) that led to his sack. 

This backward pry into Saraki is also very unique to him. Erstwhile governors of same dispensations as Saraki, whose investigation and prosecution on financial crime matters was hindered by immunity are still drumming their political careers at this time without any worry. This preference for Saraki’s cases only lifts the lid on people’s curiosity. Could there be a covert intent and purpose of the Magu-led EFCC on Saraki?.

Will it be out of place to adduce that it has a spatial relation with the Senate’s refusal to confirm Magu as the substantive chairman of the EFCC? 
Since Ibrahim Magu was appointed by Buhari as EFFC chair in November 2015, he has worked in an acting capacity, since the Senate rejected his appointment on two occasions.

With this Magu will be the ONLY chairman of the EFCC, whose appointment was never confirmed. You would recall that the Senate had unanimously voted to reject Magu based on the report of the SSS about his suitability for the job, but Buhari has kept him as chairman rather than send a replacement to the Senate. It is rather too circumstantial that the leadership of the Senate quickly attracted the investigative powers of Mr Magu’s EFCC more vigorously after. 

In September of 2006, Nuhu Ribadu, then Chairman of EFCC, took to the floor of the Senate to give a clean bill to six states, of which Kwara was one. Under Ribadu’s successor Waziri’s Chairmanship, Kwara Local Council was investigated in 2010 at the time that Dr Saraki joined the presidential race. Then, in 2011 at the same time that the Senator raised a motion on the floor of the senate, he was investigated by SFU, but the Ministry of Justice wrote to him clearing his name of any wrongdoing. Meanwhile, under his Governorship, Kwara State was the first state to open its accounts up to public scrutiny, and the first to gain an internationally recognized Fitch credit rating. 


Notably, most of the investigations have taken place after Senator Saraki raised issues of public concern, such as the mismanagement of the fuel subsidy, or when he was pursuing his presidential ambition.

The newly announced investigations, by EFCC, on Saraki’s time as Governor which ended over 12 years ago, point to questionable motivations for the investigations.

In 2003/4, whilst Governor, Senator Saraki gave up his immunity to answer questions on SGBN and till date, he is one of only two governors in the history of Nigeria to ever give up immunity.

Victor Ojelabi is a social commentator, wrote from Ilorin, Kwara State.

BIG STORY

National Assembly Passes Life Imprisonment Bill For Nigerian Drug Traffickers

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In a bid to tackle drug-related crimes, the National Assembly has amended the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) Act, introducing life imprisonment for drug offenders and traffickers.

This comes after the Senate and House of Representatives adopted the harmonised report on the amendment.

Senator Tahir Monguno, Chairman of the Senate Conference Committee, presented the report, highlighting that the amendment introduces stricter penalties to deter drug-related crimes.

“Any person who unlawfully engages in the storage, custody, movement, carriage or concealment of dangerous drugs or controlled substances and, while doing so, is armed with an offensive weapon or disguised in any manner, commits an offence under this Act and is liable, upon conviction, to life imprisonment,” Monguno said.

The Senate approved the amendment through a voice vote during Thursday’s plenary, which was presided over by Deputy Senate President Barau Jibrin.

In addition, the Senate passed the Revenue Mobilisation, Allocation, and Fiscal Commission Bill, 2024, aimed at replacing the 2004 RMAFC Act. Yahaya Abdullahi, Chairman of the Senate Committee on National Planning and Economic Affairs, stressed the need for the commission’s reform, citing Nigeria’s declining revenue and increasing population.

“The Act, last revised over 20 years ago, no longer reflects Nigeria’s evolving economic realities. This bill proposes additional funding and a restructured operational framework for the commission to improve its efficiency,” Abdullahi explained.

He further emphasised the need for adequate funding from the Federation Account for the RMAFC to effectively carry out its constitutional duties.

The bill, passed after deliberations and a majority vote, now awaits President Bola Tinubu’s assent to become law.

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BIG STORY

UPDATE: We’re Ready To Provide Evidence For Trial Of Simon Ekpa — Enugu Government

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The Enugu State Government has expressed its readiness and willingness to provide evidence to assist in the prosecution of Simon Ekpa, who was arrested in Finland on Thursday over allegations of sponsoring terrorism in Nigeria.

Enugu State Government made this offer in a statement released by the Secretary to the State Government, Prof. Chidiebere Onyia, on Friday.

In the statement, the Enugu State Government also commended the Government of the Republic of Finland for the arrest of Ekpa, whom it described as “the Finland-based leader of the criminal gang, Autopilots.”

The Enugu State Government further referred to Simon Ekpa as “a common criminal, con man, and terrorist, who has no interest of Igbo people at heart.”

It added that Ekpa “is a murderer and fraudster, who delights in killing his people and living large off their misery.”

“Enugu State was ready and willing to provide evidence of Ekpa-sponsored atrocities against Ndigbo to aid his trial and conviction, whether in Finland or Nigeria.”

“The Enugu State Government welcomes the arrest of the Finland-based terrorist, Simon Ekpa.”

“His arrest and trial will no doubt go a long way in strengthening peace, security, and stability in all parts of the South East.”

“This arrest is in line with the demand of Governor Peter Mbah Administration, which has repeatedly made it known that Ekpa is a megalomaniac, common criminal, murderer, and fraudster, who takes joy in feeding fat on the manipulated emotions of Ndigbo and inflicting misery on the South East region.”

“Ekpa has for long, and unfortunately from Finland, made a living by creating a siege climate and mentality in the South East, destroying lives, property, and the Igbo trademark of entrepreneurship and hard work.”

“He thrives on manipulating, exploiting, and extorting the people on the pretext of fighting for their interest and for the restoration of Biafra,” the government said.

Ekpa was arrested and detained alongside four other suspects by the government of Finland on charges of sponsoring terrorism in Nigeria, according to local newspapers in the European country.

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BIG STORY

Much Ado About Meddlesome Minions, And Messengers Of Misinformation — By Tayo Williams

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There is a growing phalanx of pseudo-intellectuals parading the social media space with faux and fictitious knowledge of the indigenous oil and gas industry, and it is scary because of the grave danger they portend and present for the average Nigerian.

From X (formerly known as Twitter) to Facebook and even the photos and videos-sharing site, Instagram, they abound, in their inglorious number, lending their platforms to deliberately distort facts and spread misinformation especially to favour the narratives propounded by popular Nigerian businessman Aliko Dangote, owner of the Dangote Petroleum Refinery.

Since the refinery began operations earlier in the year, it has been one week, one controversy allegedly orchestrated by Dangote in a brazen attempt to arm-twist the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation Limited, NNPCL, into playing by his rules.

Those conversant with the modus operandi of Dangote and his refinery say the long-drawn warfare with every institution and individual in the oil and gas value chain is nothing but a self-seeking and mindless profit maximisation tactic.

Whilst nobody begrudges Dangote’s drive for profit as a businessman, perhaps he needs to be reminded that the NNPC has a mandate to ensure and provide energy security in a way that is affordable and sustainable for the generality of Nigerians. And, the NNPCL management has declared in very unambiguous terms that it would not pander to the din of the market whether orchestrated by Dangote, his rampaging minions or anyone else.

The truth, however, is that there is an increasing army of vacuous, vicious, and vile individuals strutting the social media space defending and propagating outright and outlandish falsehoods. Of particular concern is one Kelvin Emmanuel who has become the unofficial mouthpiece of the Dangote Refinery. Going from one media house to the other, he pulls figures out of the air and projects obnoxious untruths on hapless Nigerians. With the backing of his paymaster’s billions, it is no surprise that this otherwise irrelevant and fatuous character now commands appearances on major television stations.

But it is on X that he has made lying glibly and gratuitously the Holy Grail. He once premised Dangote’s inability to secure feedstock for his refinery on the government and the NNPCL. While peddling this untruth, he conveniently forgets that the refinery had a seven-year window, during its construction phase, to lock in feedstock supplies that could last a minimum of five years. Dangote did none of that. As it would later unfold, his game plan, which Emmanuel glossed over, was to monopolise equity oil and production quotas to serve his business interests.

Another deliberate misinformation from the Dangote camp was the allegation that International Oil Companies (IOCs) and other industry players were trying to sabotage his interests. Apart from being an investor in the Dangote Refinery, the NNPC still supplies gas to various Dangote companies across Nigeria. How can anyone or any institution jeopardise their investment? What further proof of faith does Dangote and his minions need to know that the NNPC is their cheerleader, and is here to make operating in the industry seamless and a win-win for all?

Echoing Dangote’s baseless stance, Emmanuel also called for the sack of Mr. Farouk Ahmed, Chief Executive Officer of the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA), regulators of Nigeria’s midstream and downstream value chain. By Emmanuel’s warped reckoning, Ahmed had no locus to speak against Dangote or his enterprise because the latter questioned the quality of the product from Dangote Refinery and other local refineries in comparison with imported ones. Of course, Emmanuel’s was a lone voice in the wilderness because those who understand the invaluable role that the NMDPRA plays in the industry did not as much as dignify his tirade with a glance.

In a robust response to Emmanuel’s groundswell of egregious lies, Ibrahim Y. Kabo, a petroleum engineer based in Abuja, described him as “Someone who has not seen the inside of a refinery before Dangote built one, let alone understood the mechanism of the energy industry, …(yet) assuming the role of an authority in oil and gas matters.”

He went further to lampoon Emmanuel for stating that only Dangote Refinery’s products meet specifications while others are all sub-standard. “The obvious question is: whose specifications? For a refinery that has barely made four of seven pre-inauguration certifications, it sounds somehow laughable to suddenly assume the role of regulator in an industry you’ve barely entered,” Kabo said.

In the article, entitled, “The Hand of Aliko, the Voice of Kelvin: Inside Dangote Refinery’s Media Stunt Lab”, Kabo declared that from all Emmanuel’s interviews and pretensions to be an industry expert, one thing is obvious: “He lacks an understanding of both the mandate and the reach of NNPC as a national oil company.”

Kabo adds that, “Downstream is the least of NNPC’s business interests. The mandate, as per PIA (Petroleum Industry Act), is to facilitate both the extraction and commercialization of Nigeria’s oil and gas resources. 20 billion dollars may be a lot, but NNPC and industry regulators routinely handle projects of that magnitude. At best, Dangote and (Emmanuel’s) ranting are an irritation. I believe that’s why NNPC openly declared it was not interested in being Dangote’s off-taker.”

Like the Yoruba saying goes, derision does not stop the sweetness of the honey. The meddlesome minions and messengers of misinformation can continue dancing naked in the marketplace, but what is most important is that the NNPCL has assured that it will not cease doing everything in its capacity “to harness the possibilities of oil and gas, address energy demand and drive the national economy, and become the number one oil producer and supplier in Africa.”

 

Tayo Williams is a Lagos-based media executive

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